18 July 2025, Naypyitaw, Myanmar —Myanmar has approved nine new foreign investment projects, alongside other new investments, signalling a continued effort to attract external capital. The approvals were granted during the fifth meeting of the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) for 2025, held in Naypyitaw on July 17.

During the meeting, the MIC sanctioned nine new foreign investment projects in the industrial, and oil and gas sectors. Additionally, 26 new Myanmar citizen investment projects were approved across various sectors, including industry, hotels and tourism, services, electricity, agriculture, livestock, fisheries, housing and construction, mining, and oil and gas. The approvals also covered increased capital for existing investment ventures.

These newly approved projects represent a substantial investment of US$72.865 million and 672,835.265 million Myanmar Kyats. According to a statement from the Myanmar News Agency, these investments are projected to create 9,220 new job opportunities.

The approved new investment projects are diverse, encompassing crucial sectors for national development. These include electricity generation, agricultural ventures, electric vehicle manufacturing, various service-oriented businesses, food production, and garment factories, which are expected to generate significant employment.

As of the end of June 2025, Myanmar has attracted investments from 53 countries and regions. The top investing countries and regions are Singapore, China, and Thailand. Among the 12 economic sectors, the energy sector leads with 28.33% of the total investment, followed by the oil and gas sector with 24.68%, and the industrial sector with 14.54%.

#ymg/knl

July 17, 2025, Nay Pyi Taw- Vice-Senior General Soe Win, Vice-Chairman of the State Administration Council (SAC), Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services, and Commander-in-Chief (Army), reportedly discussed cooperation for Myanmar-India border stability with the Director General of Indian Military Intelligence.

Vice-Senior General Soe Win met with the Indian military delegation led by Lieutenant General Shrinjay Pratap Singh, AVSM, YSM, Director General of Defence Intelligence and Deputy Chief of Staff (Intelligence) of the Indian Army, who is currently visiting Myanmar. The meeting took place on the afternoon of July 16 at the Bayintnaung Yeiktha guest hall in Nay Pyi Taw.

During the meeting, Vice-Senior General Soe Win and the delegation held frank and open discussions on several matters. These included: continuing to enhance friendly relations and cooperation between the two countries and their respective armed forces; India's timely assistance with rescue teams and humanitarian aid during the major Mandalay earthquake in Myanmar, and their continued support for rehabilitation efforts; cooperation for stability, peace, rule of law, security, and development in the border regions of both countries; and the holding of a free and fair multi-party democratic general election in Myanmar in a meaningful way. This information was stated in a press release from the SAC.

Present at the meeting with Vice-Senior General Soe Win were General Ye Win Oo from the Commander-in-Chief's Office (Army) and other senior military officers. Accompanying Indian guest Lieutenant General Shrinjay Pratap Singh, AVSM, YSM, were Colonel Jaswinder Singh Gill, Defence Attaché of India to Myanmar, and other officials from the Indian Armed Forces.

#ymg/knl

July 16, 2025, Nay Pyi Taw — The Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) has officially announced that it has fully captured Naung Cho (Nawnghkio) town at around 12:00 noon on July 16, 2025, following a series of coordinated counter-terrorism operations. The announcement was released by the Information Committee of the State Administration Council (SAC).

Naung Cho is a town situated at 2,759 feet above sea level within Kyaukme District, in northern Shan State.

Over the course of the 11-month-long military campaign, the Tatmadaw engaged in 20 major battles and 566 encounters with insurgent groups including the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), MDY-PDF, and Danu PDF. Facing overwhelming retaliation from military columns, the insurgent forces eventually suffered heavy casualties and were forced to retreat in disarray. As a result, the military was able to seize full control of Naung Cho town by midday on July 16.

During the operations, the Tatmadaw reportedly captured 171 bodies of enemy fighters, along with 166 assorted weapons and related materials.

Beginning August 25, 2024, the military launched counter-terrorism operations in territories previously held by insurgents. On February 28, 2025, it regained control over the administrative routes linking  Makyee Yay  to Taung Khan. Likewise, military forces secured areas near Thanbo Village in the Kyaukme Lay region and the Gangaw– Ommati junction from Banbwe through counteroffensives.

The statement further detailed that heavy fighting also occurred and was successfully brought under control in various key locations: around Namsaung Hpu on the Taung Khan -Kan Gyi-Naungcho road on July 8, 2025; near Gote Htaik on the Taung Khan -Shwe Thun- Gote Htaik -Naungcho road on July 12; along the Pyin Oo Lwin-Naungcho Union Highway from the Ommati junction to Ommakha village on June 25; and in the Kyaukkyan area on July 15.

The Tatmadaw asserted that it has severely broken the morale of the TNLA and the so-called PDF terrorist groups, gaining full support from local residents. This, the statement said, has invigorated Tatmadaw officers and soldiers in the combat units, fostering high morale and a strong will to fight. They expanded their ground control by combining ground and air military strategies, progressively attacking and clearing temporary defensive positions established by the terrorist insurgents. The operation to retake Naungcho town involved multiple columns advancing with the motto "Brave advance, brave fight, brave crush."

The press release concluded by stating that the TNLA and the so-called PDF terrorist groups began their full-scale attacks on Naungcho town, including the battalions, units, and headquarters providing security, on June 25, 2024. After more than a year, the Tatmadaw has now suppressed these groups and fully regained control of the town.

#ymg/knl

By Simon T 

July 12 , 2025

In the global struggle for influence, tanks and missiles are no longer the only weapons. NGOs, donor funding, and ideological messaging have become the new arsenal in a quiet but relentless war for hearts, minds, and regimes. At the center of this battlefield stands George Soros—a billionaire financier whose Open Society Foundations (OSF) operate under the noble banner of democracy and human rights. But behind that veil lies a pattern of manipulation, infiltration, and destabilization—one that demands scrutiny, especially in regions as vulnerable as South and Southeast Asia.

Philanthropy or Proxy Power?

George Soros has publicly advocated for “open societies” and spent over $32 billion advancing civil liberties, rule of law, and free expression. But scratch beneath the surface, and another story emerges—one in which his foundation’s vast funding network empowers ideological foot soldiers, infiltrates policy spaces, and undermines nationalist governments that resist Western alignment.

Whether it's supporting protests in Ukraine, lawfare against nationalist leaders in Poland and Hungary, or funding radical progressivism in Latin America, OSF's influence has frequently gone beyond civil advocacy into covert regime engineering.

Sri Lanka: A Case Study in Soft Subversion?

Sri Lanka’s political crises—from the collapse of the Rajapaksa regime to the constitutional deadlock of 2022–2024—have coincided with a sharp rise in Open Society-linked activism, legal mobilizations, and media narratives that favored certain elite interests over others.

A recent exposé, titled “Soros' Shadow: Open Society’s Sri Lanka Coup?”, alleges that high-ranking OSF representatives were present during sensitive political transitions, operating in tandem with foreign-funded protest groups, NGOs, and Western diplomatic pressure. While not conclusive, the timing and alignment of these actors raise alarm.

The alleged use of USAID and EU development funds funneled through Soros-linked grantees further muddies the waters. Is this humanitarian support—or geopolitical interference cloaked in civil society?

The Southeast Asian Theater

In countries like Myanmar, Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia, OSF’s funding has backed media watchdogs, legal aid groups, and anti-corruption campaigns—some undeniably vital. But in several cases, these actors have functioned as ideological fifth columns, promoting social fragmentation under the guise of reform.

In Myanmar, OSF-supported organizations fabricated or exaggerated allegations of military abuse, enabling aggressive foreign lobbying that led to sweeping sanctions, institutional isolation, and ultimately, further entrenched the military and prolonged the civil war.

In Thailand, Open Society–connected legal groups and youth organizations were central to protests calling for monarchy reform—a red line for many Thais, who saw this as a foreign effort to fracture national identity.

In Indonesia, several OSF grantees have promoted LGBTQ+ rights, gender radicalism, and Islamic reform, often in ways that clashed with the cultural mainstream—prompting backlash and fueling right-wing populism.

In many of these cases, OSF grantees maintain no electoral accountability and answer only to foreign donors, not to the people they claim to serve.

Dirty Games in Action

Color Revolutions Toolkit:

OSF has been accused of following a playbook that includes:

Funding youth protests and activist networks

Supporting legal frameworks that criminalize opposing political actors

Financing sympathetic media to shape public discourse

Coordinating with Western embassies and think tanks to shift diplomatic recognition

Media Warfare:

OSF funds outlets like OpenDemocracy, Balkan Insight, and many local-language platforms. While some promote transparency, others are accused of pushing ideological bias, discrediting traditional institutions, and amplifying social unrest.

Weaponizing Identity Politics:

Soros's network often inserts divisive identity issues—race, gender, religion—into fragile political contexts, sometimes prioritizing imported social agendas over local reconciliation or national unity.

A Sovereignty Crisis in the Making

Soros and the Open Society brand present themselves as champions of democracy. But what happens when local democratic choices don’t align with their values? The answer is often external funding, narrative control, and institutional capture—all under the flag of "open society."

When unelected networks become more powerful than national institutions, sovereignty erodes, and nations are left vulnerable not just to military coups, but to ideological takeovers—slow, silent, and surgical.

Final Thoughts

Soros’s defenders call him a philanthropist. His critics call him a global puppet master. Perhaps the truth lies somewhere in between. But as more nations awaken to the unaccountable power of foreign-funded NGOs, it becomes clear that civil society itself must be democratized.

Transparency for the powerful. Protection for the sovereign. That’s the new balance the developing world must seek.

-end-

10 July 2025 – Nay Pyi Taw

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Chairman of the State Administration Council and Prime Minister of Myanmar, has officially responded to a formal message from U.S. President Donald Trump regarding recent increases in U.S. import tariffs.

According to official sources, the reply message—dated 9 July—was sent in response to President Trump's prior notification outlining heightened import duties on Myanmar's exports to the United States.

In the formal message, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing proposed a reciprocal tariff adjustment framework. Specifically, he suggested aligning U.S. tariffs on Myanmar's exports from the current 10% rate to 20%, and Myanmar’s own import duties on U.S. goods from 0% to 10%, in a calibrated and mutually agreed-upon manner.

Furthermore, the Senior General expressed Myanmar’s readiness to dispatch a high-level delegation to the United States to engage in direct negotiations with relevant U.S. officials if needed.

“Myanmar is prepared to send a senior-level representative team for constructive discussions to reach a mutually beneficial outcome,” the letter reportedly stated.

(The full text of the official reply message has been included below the report)

His Excellency Donald J. Trump

President of the United States of America

Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. President,

Date: 9 July 2025

I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of Your Excellency's letter dated 7July 2025, and to express my sincere appreciation for your correspondence.It is with great esteem that I wish to acknowledge Your Excellency's strongleadership in guiding your country toward national prosperity with the spirit of a true patriot, as well as your continued efforts to promote peace on the global stage.

I am expressing my sincere appreciation for this encouraging invitation tocontinue participating in the extraordinary Economy of the United States, the Number One Market in the World.

We are truly grateful for the reduction of the original tariff rates imposed on Myanmar's Commodities from 44% to 40%. Myanmar has enjoyed a long-standing history of friendly relations and firm trade commitments with the United States. We have continued to make efforts to strengthen further and deepen the bilateral trade relations between our two countries.

We deeply acknowledge Your Excellency's distinguished efforts to advance your country's interest in addressing the trade deficits resulting from the imbalance of trade between the United States and Myanmar.

To being with, in furtherance of maintaining a balanced and mutually beneficial trade between Myanmar and the United States, we would like to propose to reduce the current tariff rates to the range of 10%-20% for the exports of Myanmar to the United States and reciprocally apply the tariff rates of 0%-10% on the United States' exports to Myanmar. We stand ready to dispatch a high-level negotiation team and discuss with the relevant authorities if needed.

However, Myanmar remains one of the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) to this day. Additionally, over the past five years, we have faced a series of unprecedented challenges, ranging from the overall impact of the COVID-19 pandemic to natural disasters, including a powerful 7.7-magnitude Mandalay earthquake, Cyclone Mocha, and Typhoon Yagi. At the same time, the government and the people are navigating significant challenges of domestic instability posed by drug trafficking, online fraud and scamming, and illicit arms smuggling.

Mr. President,

I would like to take this opportunity to share with Your Excellency the efforts made by our government and the people of Myanmar in response to the current situation in our country. Similar to the challenges you encountered during the 2020 election of the United States, we also experienced major electoral fraud and significant irregularities. Despite multiple attempts by some political parties and the Tatmadaw to address these concerns, the then-ruling party and the former Union Election Commission not only dismissed these requests but also failed to resolve the issues with the necessary transparency and accountability. Moreover, they suppressed the other political parties' grievances and calls for a review of the

electoral results. With no recourse left to resolve the issues either through the then- ruling party or the former Union Election Commission, and amid growing confidence in the efforts of the political parties to demonstrate that the electoral outcome was compromised by the electoral malpractices, the Tatmadaw temporarily assumed the State's responsibilities under the Constitution.

Subsequently, fabricated narratives circulated by certain news agencies then distorted the situation, shaping and leaving a negative image and perception of Myanmar's ongoing political developments within the international community.

Following the SAC's assumption of the State's responsibilities, a new Union Election Commission was reconstituted and proceeded to investigate the 2020 election under the relevant national laws. The investigation uncovered 11.3 million cases of voting fraud, accounting for 29.54% of the total votes nationwide. Based on the testimonies from individuals involved in the electoral malpractices, who had been subsequently found guilty, appropriate legal actions were taken. They acknowledged the courts' decisions and complied with resulting punishments.

Having completed their sentences, they have now been released. In addition, the investigation into electoral fraudulence was also accepted as just and fair by legally registered political parties and the public.

I sincerely appreciate Your Excellency's efforts aimed at promoting global peace, in regulating broadcasting agencies and funds, which have sometimes exacerbated the existing conflicts. Assessments influenced by one-sided misinformation and distorted narratives ultimately led to the imposition of the economic sanctions on Myanmar. I hereby respectfully request Your Excellency to reconsider easing and lifting the economic sanctions imposed on Myanmar, as they hinder the shared interests and prosperity of both our countries and the peoples. Myanmar has consistently upheld the tradition of peaceful coexistence with other nations and remains committed to maintaining good relations with all countries. Similarly, Myanmar has no dispute with any other countries including the United States.

Mr. President,

Myanmar and the United States can enhance the existing bilateral trade relations by balancing tariffs and removing barriers, as Your Excellency proposed.

With best regards, I wish Your Excellency and the people of the United States good health, prosperity and every success in future endeavours.

(Sign)

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing

Chairman

State Administration Council

Republic of the Union of Myanmar

Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar — July 7, 2025

The Myanmar Military (Tatmadaw) has officially announced the full recapture of Mobye, a key town in southern Shan State, on July 6, following months of intense fighting. The military’s Information Team confirmed the development with supporting photographic evidence, declaring the area fully under its control.

In the course of this operation, the Tatmadaw reported the complete neutralization of Free Burma Rangers (FBR)—a so- called foreign humanitarian group allegedly engaged in frontline medical assistance and operations under the guise of humanitarian aid. The Tatmadaw claims that the group was actively involved in the conflict and has now been eliminated.

Over the past six months, the Mobye region saw fierce hostilities, including 215 large-scale battles, 400 direct engagements, and a total of 615 combat incidents. The military reported recovering 24 enemy bodies, 63 assorted weapons, and key documents and video files during the operations.

On July 5, government forces recaptured the Myotaw Pagoda sector in southern Mobye, and by July 6, they had seized the Nyaung Wine ward, located on the town’s eastern flank.

The Tatmadaw further said that ethnic armed organizations—including the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF), and allied groups—of turning religious institutions, schools, government buildings, and homes into fortified bunkers. They were also accused of planting landmines along public roads and using civilian infrastructure for cover, allegedly endangering local populations. The military stated that its countermeasures were carried out in accordance with its Rules of Engagement (ROE).

Currently, Tatmadaw units are working to clear the remaining 4.5 kilometers of road connecting Mobye and Loikaw, with the goal of reopening the Loikaw–Mobye–Pekon–Pinlaung highway for public use in the near future.

#ymg/knl