YANGON, Myanmar – July 19, 2025 – Myanmar marked its 78th Martyrs' Day today with a ceremony at the Martyrs' Mausoleum in Yangon, where Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Chairman of the State Administration Council (SAC) and Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services, led dignitaries in paying respects to the nation's fallen heroes.

The commemoration honored General Aung San and other leaders assassinated in 1947, a pivotal moment in Myanmar's history. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing participated in the wreath-laying ceremony, placing a wreath from the Republic of the Union of Myanmar at the mausoleum. He was joined by key officials including SAC Joint Secretary Lieutenant General Ye Win Oo, Council Member Lieutenant General Nyo Saw, Mann Nyein Maung, Chief of Staff (Army, Navy, Air) General Kyaw Swar Lin, and Union Minister for Religious Affairs and Culture U Tin Oo Lwin, who chaired the organizing committee for the event.

During the solemn ceremony, the national flag was lowered to half-mast across the country as a symbol of mourning. A guard of honor presented arms, and a military bugle band played the "Last Post," followed by a two-minute period of silent prayer and reflection.

Following the official tribute, family members and representatives of the martyr leaders, as well as delegates from various social organizations and the general public, laid their own wreaths and offered respects at the mausoleum.

At precisely 10:37 AM, the exact time of the assassinations, sirens were sounded nationwide by Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV) and Myawaddy TV, serving as a solemn reminder of the tragic event.

Throughout the day, the Martyrs' Mausoleum, the Bogyoke Aung San Museum, and the historic Ministers' Office (Secretariat Office) were open to the public, allowing citizens to pay homage and reflect on the sacrifices made for the nation's independence.

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July 18, 2025, Yangon- On the morning of July 18, State Administration Council Chairman and Prime Minister Senior General Min Aung Hlaing visited the Bogyoke Aung San Museum (Yangon) and the Historic Secretariat Office — where the national martyrs were assassinated — to inspect ongoing renovation and preservation works.

Upon arrival at the Bogyoke Aung San Museum, the Prime Minister instructed that the vehicle once driven by Bogyoke Aung San be restored and maintained by experts to ensure its long-term durability. He also ordered that the building be repaired and preserved carefully so as not to damage its original structure. To accomplish this, officials were directed to systematically cross-check archival photographs to ensure that restoration preserves the original craftsmanship and authenticity.

He further directed that photographs inside the museum be preserved using modern technology to enhance their clarity and quality, making the images clearer and better than the current ones.

When arriving at the old Secretariat Office, the Prime Minister ordered that the historical photographs and documents exhibited there be enhanced using modern technologies to make them clearer and more vivid for exhibition. He also emphasized that captions and annotations for the photographs and artifacts should be presented in a standardized, accurate format that is easy to read and understand.

Furthermore, inside the meeting hall where Bogyoke Aung San and other national martyrs were assassinated, the Prime Minister directed that the original layout and presentation be preserved in the exhibition. Historical photographs should be displayed with proper captions, and additional restoration work should be undertaken to maintain these historical evidences.

As the Historic Secretariat Office is an invaluable historic heritage building, the Prime Minister instructed that repair and preservation work continue uninterrupted according to the original style to ensure its long-term stability. In parts of the building where subsidence has occurred, experts will conduct systematic research and carry out appropriate restoration work.

The Bogyoke Aung San Museum in Yangon was originally the residence of Myanmar’s independence architect, Bogyoke Aung San. Built in 1921, it is a Western-style building incorporating European architectural elements. Bogyoke Aung San lived here with his family from May 1945 until the day he was assassinated in July 1947.

The old Secretariat Office is also a historic building. On the morning of July 19, 1947, Bogyoke Aung San and other national martyrs were holding a meeting there when they were assassinated. This day has since been designated Martyrs’ Day in Myanmar.

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18 July 2025, Naypyitaw, Myanmar —Myanmar has approved nine new foreign investment projects, alongside other new investments, signalling a continued effort to attract external capital. The approvals were granted during the fifth meeting of the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) for 2025, held in Naypyitaw on July 17.

During the meeting, the MIC sanctioned nine new foreign investment projects in the industrial, and oil and gas sectors. Additionally, 26 new Myanmar citizen investment projects were approved across various sectors, including industry, hotels and tourism, services, electricity, agriculture, livestock, fisheries, housing and construction, mining, and oil and gas. The approvals also covered increased capital for existing investment ventures.

These newly approved projects represent a substantial investment of US$72.865 million and 672,835.265 million Myanmar Kyats. According to a statement from the Myanmar News Agency, these investments are projected to create 9,220 new job opportunities.

The approved new investment projects are diverse, encompassing crucial sectors for national development. These include electricity generation, agricultural ventures, electric vehicle manufacturing, various service-oriented businesses, food production, and garment factories, which are expected to generate significant employment.

As of the end of June 2025, Myanmar has attracted investments from 53 countries and regions. The top investing countries and regions are Singapore, China, and Thailand. Among the 12 economic sectors, the energy sector leads with 28.33% of the total investment, followed by the oil and gas sector with 24.68%, and the industrial sector with 14.54%.

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July 17, 2025, Nay Pyi Taw- Vice-Senior General Soe Win, Vice-Chairman of the State Administration Council (SAC), Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services, and Commander-in-Chief (Army), reportedly discussed cooperation for Myanmar-India border stability with the Director General of Indian Military Intelligence.

Vice-Senior General Soe Win met with the Indian military delegation led by Lieutenant General Shrinjay Pratap Singh, AVSM, YSM, Director General of Defence Intelligence and Deputy Chief of Staff (Intelligence) of the Indian Army, who is currently visiting Myanmar. The meeting took place on the afternoon of July 16 at the Bayintnaung Yeiktha guest hall in Nay Pyi Taw.

During the meeting, Vice-Senior General Soe Win and the delegation held frank and open discussions on several matters. These included: continuing to enhance friendly relations and cooperation between the two countries and their respective armed forces; India's timely assistance with rescue teams and humanitarian aid during the major Mandalay earthquake in Myanmar, and their continued support for rehabilitation efforts; cooperation for stability, peace, rule of law, security, and development in the border regions of both countries; and the holding of a free and fair multi-party democratic general election in Myanmar in a meaningful way. This information was stated in a press release from the SAC.

Present at the meeting with Vice-Senior General Soe Win were General Ye Win Oo from the Commander-in-Chief's Office (Army) and other senior military officers. Accompanying Indian guest Lieutenant General Shrinjay Pratap Singh, AVSM, YSM, were Colonel Jaswinder Singh Gill, Defence Attaché of India to Myanmar, and other officials from the Indian Armed Forces.

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July 16, 2025, Nay Pyi Taw — The Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) has officially announced that it has fully captured Naung Cho (Nawnghkio) town at around 12:00 noon on July 16, 2025, following a series of coordinated counter-terrorism operations. The announcement was released by the Information Committee of the State Administration Council (SAC).

Naung Cho is a town situated at 2,759 feet above sea level within Kyaukme District, in northern Shan State.

Over the course of the 11-month-long military campaign, the Tatmadaw engaged in 20 major battles and 566 encounters with insurgent groups including the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), MDY-PDF, and Danu PDF. Facing overwhelming retaliation from military columns, the insurgent forces eventually suffered heavy casualties and were forced to retreat in disarray. As a result, the military was able to seize full control of Naung Cho town by midday on July 16.

During the operations, the Tatmadaw reportedly captured 171 bodies of enemy fighters, along with 166 assorted weapons and related materials.

Beginning August 25, 2024, the military launched counter-terrorism operations in territories previously held by insurgents. On February 28, 2025, it regained control over the administrative routes linking  Makyee Yay  to Taung Khan. Likewise, military forces secured areas near Thanbo Village in the Kyaukme Lay region and the Gangaw– Ommati junction from Banbwe through counteroffensives.

The statement further detailed that heavy fighting also occurred and was successfully brought under control in various key locations: around Namsaung Hpu on the Taung Khan -Kan Gyi-Naungcho road on July 8, 2025; near Gote Htaik on the Taung Khan -Shwe Thun- Gote Htaik -Naungcho road on July 12; along the Pyin Oo Lwin-Naungcho Union Highway from the Ommati junction to Ommakha village on June 25; and in the Kyaukkyan area on July 15.

The Tatmadaw asserted that it has severely broken the morale of the TNLA and the so-called PDF terrorist groups, gaining full support from local residents. This, the statement said, has invigorated Tatmadaw officers and soldiers in the combat units, fostering high morale and a strong will to fight. They expanded their ground control by combining ground and air military strategies, progressively attacking and clearing temporary defensive positions established by the terrorist insurgents. The operation to retake Naungcho town involved multiple columns advancing with the motto "Brave advance, brave fight, brave crush."

The press release concluded by stating that the TNLA and the so-called PDF terrorist groups began their full-scale attacks on Naungcho town, including the battalions, units, and headquarters providing security, on June 25, 2024. After more than a year, the Tatmadaw has now suppressed these groups and fully regained control of the town.

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By Simon T 

July 12 , 2025

In the global struggle for influence, tanks and missiles are no longer the only weapons. NGOs, donor funding, and ideological messaging have become the new arsenal in a quiet but relentless war for hearts, minds, and regimes. At the center of this battlefield stands George Soros—a billionaire financier whose Open Society Foundations (OSF) operate under the noble banner of democracy and human rights. But behind that veil lies a pattern of manipulation, infiltration, and destabilization—one that demands scrutiny, especially in regions as vulnerable as South and Southeast Asia.

Philanthropy or Proxy Power?

George Soros has publicly advocated for “open societies” and spent over $32 billion advancing civil liberties, rule of law, and free expression. But scratch beneath the surface, and another story emerges—one in which his foundation’s vast funding network empowers ideological foot soldiers, infiltrates policy spaces, and undermines nationalist governments that resist Western alignment.

Whether it's supporting protests in Ukraine, lawfare against nationalist leaders in Poland and Hungary, or funding radical progressivism in Latin America, OSF's influence has frequently gone beyond civil advocacy into covert regime engineering.

Sri Lanka: A Case Study in Soft Subversion?

Sri Lanka’s political crises—from the collapse of the Rajapaksa regime to the constitutional deadlock of 2022–2024—have coincided with a sharp rise in Open Society-linked activism, legal mobilizations, and media narratives that favored certain elite interests over others.

A recent exposé, titled “Soros' Shadow: Open Society’s Sri Lanka Coup?”, alleges that high-ranking OSF representatives were present during sensitive political transitions, operating in tandem with foreign-funded protest groups, NGOs, and Western diplomatic pressure. While not conclusive, the timing and alignment of these actors raise alarm.

The alleged use of USAID and EU development funds funneled through Soros-linked grantees further muddies the waters. Is this humanitarian support—or geopolitical interference cloaked in civil society?

The Southeast Asian Theater

In countries like Myanmar, Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia, OSF’s funding has backed media watchdogs, legal aid groups, and anti-corruption campaigns—some undeniably vital. But in several cases, these actors have functioned as ideological fifth columns, promoting social fragmentation under the guise of reform.

In Myanmar, OSF-supported organizations fabricated or exaggerated allegations of military abuse, enabling aggressive foreign lobbying that led to sweeping sanctions, institutional isolation, and ultimately, further entrenched the military and prolonged the civil war.

In Thailand, Open Society–connected legal groups and youth organizations were central to protests calling for monarchy reform—a red line for many Thais, who saw this as a foreign effort to fracture national identity.

In Indonesia, several OSF grantees have promoted LGBTQ+ rights, gender radicalism, and Islamic reform, often in ways that clashed with the cultural mainstream—prompting backlash and fueling right-wing populism.

In many of these cases, OSF grantees maintain no electoral accountability and answer only to foreign donors, not to the people they claim to serve.

Dirty Games in Action

Color Revolutions Toolkit:

OSF has been accused of following a playbook that includes:

Funding youth protests and activist networks

Supporting legal frameworks that criminalize opposing political actors

Financing sympathetic media to shape public discourse

Coordinating with Western embassies and think tanks to shift diplomatic recognition

Media Warfare:

OSF funds outlets like OpenDemocracy, Balkan Insight, and many local-language platforms. While some promote transparency, others are accused of pushing ideological bias, discrediting traditional institutions, and amplifying social unrest.

Weaponizing Identity Politics:

Soros's network often inserts divisive identity issues—race, gender, religion—into fragile political contexts, sometimes prioritizing imported social agendas over local reconciliation or national unity.

A Sovereignty Crisis in the Making

Soros and the Open Society brand present themselves as champions of democracy. But what happens when local democratic choices don’t align with their values? The answer is often external funding, narrative control, and institutional capture—all under the flag of "open society."

When unelected networks become more powerful than national institutions, sovereignty erodes, and nations are left vulnerable not just to military coups, but to ideological takeovers—slow, silent, and surgical.

Final Thoughts

Soros’s defenders call him a philanthropist. His critics call him a global puppet master. Perhaps the truth lies somewhere in between. But as more nations awaken to the unaccountable power of foreign-funded NGOs, it becomes clear that civil society itself must be democratized.

Transparency for the powerful. Protection for the sovereign. That’s the new balance the developing world must seek.

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